The boardwalk house where the cast filmed has become its own tourist attraction, he said, drawing 50 to people a day. The Redneck Riviera is loosely defined as the coastal area that stretches from Florida's Emerald Coast to the shores of Alabama. Hall, who croons:.
Why the Redneck Riviera Is an American Paradise
Chillin' with the motel door wide open hopin' somethin' good will come along. Gulf Shores up through Apalachi-cola they got beaches of the whitest sand. Nobody cares if gramma's got a tottoo or Bubba's got a hot wing in his hand. Redmond herself is familiar with the region, having grown up in Alabama. She came up with the concept well over a year ago, but then hesitated. In the end, it was the BP oil spill that ravaged the coastline that pushed her to move forward and begin casting.
Craft, however, said that portraying Gulf Shores as a redneck destination isn't going to help the town's image, which is decidedly not, a "honkey tonk, redneck type of world. Though she has heard from some city mayors who aren't thrilled with the show's premise, others, Redmond said, have reached out to her saying they want the tourism dollars. On the show's Facebook page, there seems to be more enthusiasm than disappointment.
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Why the Florida Panhandle Is an American Paradise - Thrillist
Hakeem Jeffries. Bernie Sanders' health incident diagnosed as heart attack. Leaked texts show US quid pro quo talk on Ukraine. Fact is, in the Florida Panhandle, with its stereotype of a Republican bloc-vote of retired military officers, the Christian right and unreconstructed Good Ol' Boys — a complex notion running both true and counter to reality — there isn't much of a presidential race. Around here, there's more suspense in the outcome of the great TV-commercial wars between the athlete's foot sprays Tinactin, Lamisil and Lotrimin, or for that matter, in the on-air ad clashes between the erectile dysfunction medications Levitra and Viagra.
George Bush will win the region, down the coast from Pensacola to Panama City, and up north, deep through the piney woods, to the Alabama state line. Still, as the Republican convention gets going, by how much is an issue. The local assumption is that Bush needs to win by a 2-to-1 margin in the Panhandle so as to safely compensate for benighted Democratic voters in the rest of Florida, and win the state's 27 electoral votes.
The last time, when Florida decided the presidency in vast controversy, Bush won the region with roughly 70 percent of the vote.
The strategy now among the Republicans of Walton County, with its rich folks lining the condos on the Gulf of Mexico, its colony of retired colonels around Eglin Air Force Base, and god-fearing rednecks filling in the empty spaces to the north, lies in moving that score toward 80 percent. The issue's unspoken subtext is whether the region has become a Capital of Dumb and Nasty in the United States. In the minds of some Democrats, and many Europeans convinced that Bush's America metastasizes with tumorous cysts of television evangelists and serving generals in full-dress uniform shouting from church pulpits, all that is frightening lurks here on Route 30A.
It's drive-time, talk-in radio over WEBY, on your dial, with its hourly promise of "making liberals eat their words. But it is also the Sundog Book Shop in the beach town of Seaside, offering a more intellectually rigorous selection than anything available in St. Although Escambia County, surrounding Pensacola, has been described by the Reverend Jerry Falwell as the most conservative in the United States, the area, like everywhere else in America, swims in scores of TV talk shows and comics portraying Bush as lying, incompetent and stupid.
Nuance, a notion like John Kerry's interest in treating terrorism with more sensitivity, is not supposed to have much currency here. But it does help in explaining how people in the Panhandle think and vote.
Susan MacManus, a professor of political science at the University of South Florida, says there's "considerable elitism and stereotyping" on the part of some Americans and many Europeans in trying to meld the area's military and Christian Right into a kind of organic alliance. She describes the military as a tight-knit and patriotic group that regards voting as a profound civic duty.
While she considers the churches to be important, MacManus separates the individuals among the believers from the "God sent George Bush to save us" evangelists on television. The easy stereotypes fit the evangelists, MacManus said, but not the individuals. In DeFuniak Springs, north of the I highway, which separates the Panhandle's coastal money from its harsher, Bubba and Billy Bob rural existence, Ray Padgett explains the Panhandle's ideology with another degree of refinement.
The Walton County Democratic Party chairman, a retired Coca-Cola executive who moved back to his roots after a headquarters career that included three years in Vienna, considers the church-going community as capable of doing much good. But he differentiates between just folks, or what he called "the people on the receiving end," from the "people preaching hate and fear" for political control and money.